Singapore Democrats

District Judge Toh Yung Cheong (photo) had issued a warrant of arrest for Dr Chee Soon Juan who is presently in Taiwan for his father-in-law’s funeral but rescinded it earlier today. Judge Toh issued the warrant last Wednesday, 24 June 2009, the day the hearing for the trial over the WB-IMF protest in 2006 was to resume.

Dr Chee did not appear in court that day as he had left for Taiwan four days earlier because his father-in-law was dying.

He had applied for an adjournment before he left but Judge Toh rejected the request and ordered that the hearing proceed as scheduled. Dr Chee then asked to see Mr Toh in person but was told that the Judge was on vacation.

He then asked to see the Pre-Trial Conference Judge Mr Liew Thiam Leng to make the urgent application. Judge Liew refused. The SDP leader then asked to see the Duty Registrar but was told that this was not possible.

Dr Chee had earlier obtained clearance from the Official Assignee to travel to Taiwan. The OA’s office had rejected a similar application in 2006 to see his ailing father-in-law.

Co-defendants Mr Gandhi Ambalam and Ms Chee Siok Chin made another appeal to see Mr Toh on Dr Chee’s behalf on Monday, 22 June but the Judge refused to see them.

When the trial resumed on 24 June, another appeal was made. The Judge again rejected this and issued a warrant of arrest for the SDP secretary-general. The rest of the defendants were told to return to court on 26 June.

In the meantime Dr Chee’s father-in-law passed away on 25 June.

The judge was informed about this when parties went back to court on the 26th. The defence asked on Dr Chee's behalf that he be allowed to stay on to attend the funeral. Again Judge Toh refused. "The warrant of arrest still stands," he ordered.

Dr Chee explained that his request was not unreasonable and that he would have to stay on in Taiwan to see through familial obligations. He would face the consequences upon his return. He just wanted to make arrangements to ensure that his children would be brought home safely should he be arrested at the airport.

This morning, however, Judge Toh reversed his decision and cancelled the warrant. He told the defendants that the court had not asked for the documentary proof of the death when it should have. Due to this oversight and now that he had been furnished with the proof, the Judge decided to withdraw the warrant of arrest for Dr Chee.

New dates will be picked for the on-going trial.
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Singapore Democrats

Operation Spectrum open forum: a good start

Singapore Democrats

After 22 years, we are beginning to see more public events that address the Internal Security Act (ISA) detentions in 1987.

In May a group of five activists came together to mark the 22nd anniversary of the Marxist arrests. Led by Seelan Palay, the group got together at Hong Lim Park and called for the for the abolishment of ISA. (See here and here.)

On Sunday afternoon, Martyn See organised discussion forum about the 22 arrests. The indoor event was supposed to have taken place last Saturday. However, about before that, the owner of the venue called Martyn to inform him that he had to cancel the booking to to an ongoing CID investigation (see here.)

Undeterred and despite further police harassment, Martyn sought out another venue and held the forum yesterday. Activists, bloggers, politicians, civil society actors and reporters turned up for the event.

Ex-detainee Michael Fernandez spoke about why he was detained by the Internal Security Department (ISD) in 1964 for nine years for his role in championing for workers rights back then.

Alex Au pointed out whilst Singaporeans were bombarded with the Marxist plot propaganda, that the other side of the story, has never quite been told. He urged the ex-detainees to write about their arrests and their experiences thereafter.

Former ISEAS senior fellow, Russell Heng wondered why the government had arrested these 22 young men and women when it flew against the face of logic. He was also unsure if civil society has evolved to become less afraid of the threat of the ISA being used on them.

SDP's Chee Siok Chin then spoke about the lack of public outrage when it was clear that the arrests were farcical. She spoke about the current JI detainees and how similar it is to the 1987 arrests in that there have been no questions asked about these non-transparent detentions. Ms Chee also spoke about the PAP's strategy of making sure that the people do not come together to challenge oppressive policies. She urged those in the audience to contact groups who are advocating for transparency and to work with them, including the Singapore Democrats.

John Tan encouraged the audience not to turn a blind eye to injustice and violations of human rights. Civil participation is badly needed in our society if we want to be a vibrant democracy. He honed in the point that Singaporeans must look out for each other and even those beyond our shores. In the final analysis, Mr Tan argued, the ISA must be abolished in order to prevent another Operation Spectrum in the future, and to remove the fear that grips Singaporeans when it comes to citizen participation.

The forum discussion was peppered with Martyn reading excerpts of torture from So That We May Dream Again, a compilation of brief essays of the 1987 arrests, To Catch a Tartar by Francis Seow and also an extract about Chia Thye Poh from Chee Soon Juan's book To Be Free.

Martyn ended the forum with the assurance that this will not be the last forum he will hold about the ISD's unlawful arrests of the 22 young people some 22 years ago.
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Singapore Democrats

Seelan Palay under investigation for One Nation under Lee

Singapore Democrats

Mr Seelan Palay, maker of One Nation Under Lee (ONUL), was called up yesterday for questioning by the police. The 24 year-old Singaporean filmmaker had produced the 40-minute video narrating the rule of Singapore by Mr Lee Kuan Yew.

The film was screened at a private function last year at the Peninsular-Excelsior Hotel when the police and Media Development Authority officials barged in and seized the video. Since then ONUL has been making its rounds on YouTube attracting tens of thousands of views.

Below is the police interview as provided by Mr Seelan:

Police investigation regarding my film One Nation Under Lee


Introductory question (Q): What do you know about the facts of the case? (Posed to me as "Tell me about yourself" by the officer but strangely printed as "What do you know about the facts of the case?" in the version I was to sign at the end.)
Answer (A): I am an artist.

Q1: Can you remember where you were on 17 May 2008 at about 2pm?
A1: I cannot recall.

Q2: I am now informing you that the investigation into this offence is of the incident that happened at Excelsior Hotel on 17 May 2008. Do you recall this incident?
A2: I do not recall it as an offence.

Q3: Can you explain why you were at the Excelsior Hotel on 17 may 2008?
A3: I remember that I was at the Excelsior Hotel on that date to attend a private event.

Q4: Are you aware of a film that was screened on this date at Tulip Room at Excelsior Hotel?
A4: Yes.

Q5: Were you in the Tulip Room when this film was screened?
A5: Yes.

Q6: What was this film all about?
A6: That is a private matter.

Q7: Who is the one who is in charge of this event?
A7: It was a private event so that is none of anyone's concern.

Q8: Do you know who brought the film to the Tulip Room on 17 May 2008?
A8: That is a private matter.

Q9: Do you know who prepared this film?
A9: That is a private matter.

Q10: How long was this film screened?
A10: I cannot recall.

Q11: Can you remember what happened after the film was screened?
A11: Some uninvited guests entered the room.

Q12: Do you know who these uninvited guests were?
A12: I cannot recall.

Q13: Can you explain what happened after the film ended?
A13: The uninvited guests asked for the DVD of the film. The DVD was given to them.

Q14: How many copies were there in the room?
A14: I do not know.

Q15: Who handed over the DVD to the uninvited guests?
A15: I cannot recall.

Q16: What is your role in this private event?
A16: That is a private matter.

Q17: Who was operating the systems when the film was screened?
A17: That is a private matter.

Q18: Were you at Jalan Gelenggang on 16 May, one night before the incident?
A18: I cannot recall.

Q19: I'm going to show you a document, can you tell me if you have seen this document before? (Officer then shows me a letter from MDA apparently sent the night before the event with a warning not to screen the film. Films Act sections were quoted in the letter.)
A19: I cannot recall.

Q20: The officers who served this letter at No.2A Jalan Gelenggang claim that you were the one who received the letter. What have you got to say about this?
A20: Did they identify themselves as police officers? If they claim it was me, did they ask for my name or IC?

Q21: Did you remove the DVD from the player and hand it over to Madam ---? (Name undisclosed for the purposes of this post.)
A21: That is a private matter.

Q22: Do you have anything else to add?
A22: The uninvited guests should be investigated for barging in to and disrupting a private event.
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Singapore Democrats

Constructing Singapore: "pragmatism" and personalised power

Singapore Democrats

Below are excerpts from:

Constructing Singapore: Elitism, Ethnicity and the Nation-Building Project
Authors: Michael D. Barr & Zlatko Skrbis
Publisher
: NIAS (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies) Press
Paperback
304 pp
ISBN: 978-87-7694-029-4
Available from: NIAS Press, Amazon.com and Select Books


The legitimating myth of the primacy of innovative, problem-solving 'talent', unearthed through 'meritocracy' and the quest for ever-higher levels of organisational efficiency in all aspects of society, business and government operates in tandem with another legitimating myth: that the government operates in a purely rational, scientific, problem-solving manner, free of ideological considerations. The mantra for this plank of legitimation is the purest distillation of technocratic ideology: 'pragmatism'. Talk to Singaporeans and they will assure you that the government is 'pragmatic', that Singaporeans are 'pragmatic', and that even if there are problems and faults in outcomes, the Singapore system of meritocracy and 'pragmatic government' is only 'logical'. This is one of the main features that give Singaporeans a perception of their special place in the world. Singapore is tiny, but while most of the world is bound by 'ideology' and 'politics', Singaporeans punch above their weight because they operate as a 'pragmatic' and inherently logical meritocracy.

Of course, the argument is specious. Far from being the distillation of impartial rationality, the Singapore system of governance is systemically pervaded with ideological, social, ethnic and class biases. Yet the denial of the operation of ideology, or even politics, in the practice of government has a direct and profound effect on politics.

It restricts the space for legitimate social and political discourse, de-legitimizing the interrogation of aspects of the Singapore system that lie beyond the restrictive parameters of efficiency and effectiveness.

...Days after taking up the premiership Lee Hsien Loong revealed that he had been closely involved in bringing them ( Mr Khaw Boon Wan and Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam) into Cabinet while he was still Deputy Prime Minister.

These three men are the epitome of the Singapore technocrat, but their collective story -- and particularly the story of Lee Hsien Loong -- demonstrates a central feature of the Singapore system of governance that is not celebrated by the regime. We refer to the highly personalized nature of power, a feature that seriously diminishes the transparency of the system and disrupts its predictability. Patronage or sponsorship is a vitally important element in the rise of anyone in the Singapore political and administrative elite.

...The oil that lubricates the Singapore system is the exercise of personal power. The personal character of power is demonstrated without much effort in the person of Lee Kuan Yew, who remains in Cabinet 15 years and two prime ministers after his retirement from the premiership, with the creative title of "Minister Mentor". He was previously "Senior Minister" for the duration of Goh Chok Tong's premiership, but now Goh holds that title.

His presence in Cabinet must be most uncomfortable for Lee Hsien Loong. Not only does he have to work in the shadow of the founding father of modern Singapore, as did his predecessor, but in his case the man in question is his father. Even if Hsien Loong is really his "own man", who is going to believe it? Hsien Loong did not even get to announce this Cabinet line-up. It was Lee Senior who announced that he would continue in Cabinet for as long as he was fit and able to serve, and it was Lee Senior who announced the new hierarchy (for protocol purposes) within the Prime Minister's Office, whereby he would be third in line behind Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong. An anonymous "government official" was left to confirm Lee Senior's announcement six days later.

Why does Lee Hsien Loong not simply remove him from Cabinet, as is his constitutional right? Why did not Goh Chok Tong do so when he was Prime Minister? Regardless of the power they notionally possess or possessed by virtue of their institutional positions, they both understand that in or out of Cabinet, Lee Kuan Yew retains his personal networks and his personal power.

He needs a seat in Cabinet only so that he can legally have open access to Cabinet and other official papers and legally retain his privileged links to the Internal Security Department. On balance Lee Hsien Loong may not even want to see him gone yet because his own power networks are still underpinned by his father. In the case of Goh Chok Tong, his efforts as Prime Minister to build a personal and independent power base were thwarted by both Lees -- father as Senior Minister and son as Deputy Prime Minister.

In the end, after being outflanked by father and son during a property scandal involving the Lee family in 1996, Goh gave up trying to exercise real power and handed the reins of domestic government over to Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

In any case, Goh's efforts were never going to be very complete because he had no relatives in government. It was probably this characteristic more than any other that made him an ideal stop gap between father and son.

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Singapore Democrats

Your flame will always shine, Anthony

Singapore Democrats

It is with very heavy hearts that the Singapore Democrat and Friends write this about Anthony Yeo. Anthony passed on last evening due to complications that arose from the cancer that he had been suffering from.

In this very difficult time, we can only hope and pray that his family is encouraged and comforted by all the love that is pouring in from those who knew this wonderful man.

Anthony has a very special place in the hearts of those of us in the SDP. He was a friend whom we never hesitated to invite to our functions and events and one whom we could readily call on if we needed his help.

Anthony was an advocate for justice and rights. He often spoke up for those whom he felt were unjustly treated. He was progressive minded and was not bound to dogmatic beliefs and practices. Anthony lent his voice to bringing democracy to Singapore and appeared in the SDP's video The Flame of Democracy.

He was an invited guest to the screening of One Nation under Lee when it was premiered in April 2008 when officials from the Media Development Authority intruded into the event. Anthony attended the event with one of his sons.

Anthony's voice will be missed especially when there are too few voices here in Singapore that dare to stand up to the authorities and speak up against injustice.

Even though you will be missed, your flame will always carry on in our hearts, Anthony.
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Singapore Democrats

Govt: No beatings and torture under ISA

Singapore Democrats

Mr William Dobson recently wrote a piece The Best Guide for Gitmo? Look to Singapore on the treatment of ISA detainees in Singapore where he lauded the rehabilitative effect of the program. Dr Chee responded to Mr Dobson's naive piece. Today, Ambassador Chan Heng Chee replied to Dr Chee's letter, denying that the Singapore Government beats or tortures its ISA detainees.

Note how the Government cleverly steers clear in mentioning the detention of Singaporean opposition leaders, trade unionists, and activists which Dr Chee's letter was clearly referring to. Instead it tries to distract readers by talking about suspected terrorists.


Don't follow Singapore's lead

William J Dobson's take on the rehabilitation of terrorism suspects in Singapore borders on the propagandistic ["The Best Guide for Gitmo? Look to Singapore," Outlook, May 17]. He wrote that since 2001, 40 former terrorists have been rehabilitated and released.

To be clear, the suspects are held under the Internal Security Act (ISA), the same act that has "rehabilitated" and "released" more than 100 opposition members, journalists, human rights advocates and trade union leaders, as well as a group of lawyers, Catholic Church workers and social activists for seeking to "violently overthrow" the Singapore government through a Marxist network. The fact that not a shred of evidence has been presented against these detainees doesn't seem to bother Mr Dobson.

Such a rehabilitation program has been so successful that there is no political opposition or civil society to speak of in Singapore. Of course, as in Guantanamo, rehabilitation in Singapore comes with beatings and other forms of torture. A few people have been reported to have died in Singapore's cells. But unlike with Guantanamo, there is no debate on the detentions because there is no free press and free speech in my country.

Unlike with Guantanamo, there can be no change in the government that administers the ISA because Singapore is not a democracy. And unlike with Guantanamo, there is no one and no institution here to intervene on behalf of the detainees. You stand guilty as accused until the accuser "rehabilitates" you.

Mr. Dobson describes the regime in Singapore as a strict law-and-order government because it bans chewing gum. Banning chewing gum is the least of our problems. The government recently passed the Public Order Act, which effectively bans even one individual from carrying out a protest. This is not strictness, it is repression.

Look to Singapore? Mr Dobson should be careful what he wishes for.

CHEE SOON JUAN
Secretary-General
Singapore Democratic Party

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/05/22/AR2009052203473.html


Singapore's treatment of terrorists

In his May 23 letter, "Don't Follow Singapore's Lead," Chee Soon Juan of the Singapore Democratic Party asserted that rehabilitation of terrorists detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) in Singapore entails beatings and torture. He also said that there have been deaths of detainees in their cells and that there is no mechanism for looking into detainees' well-being. These assertions are false.

Terrorist detainees in Singapore undergo a program incorporating psychological, social and religious rehabilitation. The religious counseling program is driven by volunteer leaders from Singapore's Muslim community. There are no beatings or torture. There have been no deaths. Two-thirds of the terrorists arrested since 2001 have been released and have reintegrated into society. None has strayed back into terrorism so far. Singapore's program is often cited by international experts, including William J. Dobson of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, as a model for the detention and rehabilitation of terrorists.

The ISA was enacted to protect Singapore from national security threats that cannot be dealt with under general criminal laws. The act has built-in due-process safeguards, including yearly reviews by a panel headed by a Supreme Court judge. The panel has the powers and immunities of a court of law. It can subpoena witnesses and examine documents, including classified intelligence. While the government decides on detentions, the president has the right to overrule the government's decisions.

In the face of terrorist violence, a government's priority must always be to protect the lives of its people.

CHAN HENG CHEE
Ambassador
Embassy of Singapore
Washington

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/10/AR2009061003697.html


Note how the Government cleverly steers clear in mentioning the detention of Singaporean opposition leaders, trade unionists, and activists which Dr Chee's letter was clearly referring to. Instead it tries to distract readers by talking about suspected terrorists.

This can mean one of two things: Either the Government was diffident in wanting to remind the world that it had detained its political opponents without trial or it cannot deny that it had beaten or tortured Singaporeans who had legitimately opposed its autocratic rule through the decades. It was probably a bit of both.

Either way it was a rather cowardly way of responding, or rather not responding, to Dr Chee's letter.

More at yoursdp.org
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Singapore Democrats

Kent Ridge Common interviews Chee Soon Juan

Kent Ridge Common conducted an online interview with Dr Chee Soon Juan. The SDP secretary-generall talked about everything from political reform to being an activist. We reproduce the interview here.

Foreword: Dr Chee Soon Juan (CSJ) obtained his Ph.D. from the University of Georgia and is a neuropsychologist by training. He joined the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) in 1992, and subsequently became its secretary-general. He was formerly an Honorary Research Associate at the Monash Asia Institute (1997) and University of Chicago (2001), and was a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy (2004). He received the Defender of Democracy Award (2003) given by the Parliamentarians for Global Action. He is the the Chairman of the Alliance for Reform & Democracy in Asia (ARDA).

What measures would the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) propose that would help Singapore tide through the current recession?

During the Budget 2009 debate we proposed the following which, by the way, was echoed by some PAP MPs:

Suspend the GST for at least two years. This will help especially the poor and lower-income groups, not to mention businesses that need customers and patrons to survive.

Reduce ERP rates as well as bus and MRT fares. Such a step would help to keep expenses down for the average individual and motorist.

Introduce an unemployment entitlement programme. It will ensure that retrenched workers receive temporary relief from a sudden loss of income.

Give out spending vouchers. Again this will assist the lower-income households in their daily struggle. The measure will keep the economy alive.

These proposals are explained in greater depth in Budget spending not transparent, SDP proposes alternative 5-point plan.

Which current economic policy is in most urgent need for reform? And what are the proposed reforms?

In the immediate term it is crucial that we stop the mindless and indiscriminate influx of foreign workers. The foreigners are being exploited for their cheap labour to artificially suppress wages of Singaporeans. The foreign talent policy needs an overhaul: Only foreigners with the requisite skills unavailable from the local population should be allowed to join the Singaporean workforce.

Apart from economic consequences, the mass of foreigners forced upon the locals and competing with them for survival will have grave social repercussions which we have yet to examine. Is this an accident waiting to happen?

In the longer term, we must wean the economy off our dependence on MNCs. We have become addicted to foreign direct investments so much so that we have not allowed home-grown enterprises to flourish. Coupled with GLCs, our domestic private sector and SMEs are squeezed out of the corporate scene. During a major economic crisis like the present one, we find our economy much harder hit than anyone else.

In addition, the crush of MNCs and GLCs ensure a dearth of Singaporean entrepreneurs. Apart from economic consequences, the lack of the entrepreneurial spirit has a spill over effect into the social and political circles, making our society distinctly lackadaisical.

Without the verve and dynamism, the quality of life here suffers. This is why Singaporeans continue to be one of the most stressed and unhappiest people in the region and our youths constantly express a desire to leave the country.

Would the losses at Temasek Holdings and Singapore Government Investment Corporation (SGIC) lead to a decline in votes for the PAP? Why?

We are not looking for just a decline of votes for the PAP. The opposition needs
to make significant inroads into Parliament to effect policy change. This is only possible if the election system is fair and the media is free.

No matter how badly Temasek or the GIC perform, or for that matter how disastrous PAP policies are, as long as the Elections Department and the media operate at the behest of the ruling party, no one can change policy and the Government will not be held accountable.

At the moment, our political culture is one driven by fear and ignorance. Without addressing these twin scourges, the PAP will always be "victorious" at the polls. This is why the Singapore Democrats emphasize so much on reforming the political system.

You wrote a book "Dare to change" way back in 1994 with a set of recommended changes for Sin
gapore's future. How many of your recommendations have been considered currently or implemented already by the government and what are they?

In the area of education, I wrote that the process of streaming our children at the primary school level was inane. This is because neural processes are still developing at such young ages and attempts to grade and categorise our students is woefully premature. While I'm glad the PAP has acknowledged the problem of streaming, the changes it has made to the education system in this area are cosmetic and do not address the real problem.

The Governme
nt is also belatedly beginning to see the problems I raised about our over-reliance on MNCs and GLCs, and the suppression of local SMEs. But there will not be any serious attempt to change the economic approach because to do so would entail a concomittant liberalisation of the political system, something that the PAP will not do voluntarily.

I had also written in Dare To Change that because of the stifling political climate Singaporeans were leaving the country in alarming numbers. Today, Mr Lee Kuan Yew admits that the brain drain is a serious problem.

The Government is now trying to encourage Singaporeans to be creative in the hope of fixing the creativity problem here. Apparently there is a course at NUS that teaches students how to think.

But Singaporeans know how to think. We are no different from our American or European or Japanese counterparts. What we need is political space to express those thoughts. This is the nub of the p
roblem. As long as the PAP keeps its choke-hold on the people, this society will be soulless and the exodus will continue.

Do you think a typical heartlander will be able to grasp the idea of democracy and its benefits? Assume you come across a typical heartlander during your walkabout, how would you convince him into voting for democracy so to speak?

The average Singaporean understood the meaning of freedom and democracy in the 1950s. That's why they rose up against the British and kicked them out. They are now our parents and grandparents. If they could appreciate the importance of freedom of speech and assembly then, why can't we now especially when the population is now much better schooled?


The difference is that, unlike in the 1950s, the PAP Government has locked up the media and disallowed Singaporeans to think and express themselves. We interpret that as Singaporeans not understanding nor wanting democracy. If Singaporeans are really that uninterested in their rights, why is the Government nervously putting in place more laws that further ban people from gathering in public and speaking out?

How do I convince a voter into voting for democracy? I don't. Democracy is something you practice and experience, not vote for. If you have to vote for democracy, chances are that you are doomed to labour under an autocratic state in the first place.

I have, however, tried to speak to voters about policies that are hurting them. The result is that I have been convicted of six charges of speaking in public and face another six more. This will never happen in a democracy. Without the ability to be able to freely communicate with the people, we cannot break the cycle of fear and ignorance that the PAP has so successfully instilled in society.

It is not that Singaporeans don't understand democracy, it is that they are not allowed to practise it.

It is rare for politicians in Singapore to take on the role of an activist, and I think SDP is the only party whose members have such dual roles. How did you all manage to reconcile the role of an activist with that of a politician?

In a democracy, the roles of a politician and an activist can be neatly separated and compartmentalised. This is because they have distinct roles to play: One makes laws by contesting for power while the other seeks to affect legislation on specific issues.

Both need an open and democratic society to function effectively. In a non-democratic state where opposition politicians and activists are deprived of their roles, doesn't it make sense for both groups to come together to work for democracy first? Without democratic freedom there can be no oppositionist and civil society activist to speak of.

In our situation, it would be wonderful if democracy activists could come out to actively campaign for freedom and make all the necessary sacrifices. The SDP can then step in when the heavy lifting is done and just campaign to win power. We won't have to go through all the difficulties and hardship of fighting the autocrats.

But this is not the reality. There are no democracy activists fighting for reform. Under the such circumstances the Singapore Democrats can do one of two things: Play it safe and let others do the dirty work, or roll up our sleeves and lead by example. We choose leadership.

Under undemocratic regimes, activists and opposition politicians often merge into the same role. Nelson Mandela, Vaclav Havel, Lech Walesa, Kim Dae Jung, and Xanana Gusmao were all activists fighting for democracy before they became heads of their governments when democracy was realised. Is Aung San Suu Kyi purely a politician? Even the Mahatma Gandhi straddled both camps. He was a member, a very influential member, of India's Congress Party.

Of course, to lead also means to sacrifice. But we know that even as we pay the price now, Singapore and Singaporeans will reap the rewards in future.

Given the difficult circumstances that the opposition face at the polls (GRC system, high electoral deposits), do you see the civil societies as having a bigger role in bringing about changes to our political landscape? Why?

Not only does civil society have a bigger role in changing the political system, without it change cannot come. Civil society, together with the political opposition, must mobilise the masses to compel the PAP relinquish its undemocratic hold on power.

This has been most clearly demonstrated in Malaysia where NGOs, including the law society, were at the forefront of speaking up against the ISA and other undemocratic practives of the ruling coalition. They then joined forces with opposition parties to put pressure on the government to make concessions on political freedoms.

What are the ramifications of the changes to the Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) and Non-constituency Member of Parliament (increase in number of seats) on the opposition's chances for the next elections? Why?

The PAP did not introduce the NMP and NCMP schemes to democratise Singapore but to get voters to bypass the opposition. In the long run this will make it even harder for opposition parties to gain a foothold in the political system.

Singaporeans and the opposition must stop looking for the easy way out and hoping that the PAP will liberalise the system on its own accord. If pro-democracy forces don't actively push for change and make the necessary sacrifices, democracy and a fair fight for power will always be a pipedream.

In your exchanges with Mr Lee Kuan Yew during the hearing of the defamation suit against SDP, you told Mr Lee: "We get to meet at last." Have you ever considered contesting at Tanjong Pagar GRC which will pit you against Mr Lee when you were still a competing candidate? Why?

In 1992, I contested in a GRC against then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. The question is not who we contest against. With an election system completely under the control of the ruling party, it is silly to think that we will make any meaningful headway.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew himself admitted without the GRC system. I would have been elected over PAP leaders like Mr Teoh Chee Hean.

But I can't contest in elections because Mr Lee and Mr Goh made me a bankrupt. They won't allow me to speak during rallies. They won't even allow me to get up on stage during election rallies. Does this sound like a confident and secure government?

Get the fundamentals of the political system right and the opposition is more than capable of challenging the PAP anytime, anywhere.

More at yoursdp.org
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Singapore Democrats

Constructing Singapore: Book review by Chee Soon Juan

Far Eastern Economic Review

Constructing Singapore: Elitism, Ethnicity and the Nation-Building Project
Michael Barr and Zlatko Skrbis
Reviewed by Chee Soon Juan

The “Singapore Story”—the title of the first volume of founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s autobiography—is that a mandarinate elite built a bastion of political and economic success on twin pillars of good governance: meritocracy and multiracialism. “Chimeras,” say Michael Barr and Zlatko Skrbis, professors at The Flinders University of South Australia and The University of Queensland, Australia, respectively.

The authors tear apart the Lee mythology with commendable academic rigor and gusto, arguing that such propaganda serves only to “facilitate and legitimize rule by a self-appointed elite dominated by middle-class Chinese in general, and by the Lee family in particular.”

This issue is examined not just through the lens of Singapore’s political system. Messrs. Barr and Skrbis delve at length into the education system, documenting in extraordinary detail how from an early age students are molded into the People’s Action Party’s image of the ideal Singaporean. The PAP Community Foundation, which runs over half of the preschools in Singapore, puts five- and six-year-olds through a demanding kindergarten regime. Over the next 10 years, children are pushed to participate in a bewildering number of programs through which the “best” are identified and scooped up to join the elite.

These schemes are designed to support and enhance a political infrastructure where power is concentrated in a select few. If all this seems like social engineering at work, that’s because it is. Mr. Lee has never been shy about his intentions to rear future generations of elites.

A more in-depth examination of the programs and considerable resources used to implement Mr. Lee’s eugenics agenda would provide the reader with a better understanding of the extent to which the Party went to ensuring that the elite reproduced and that the “lumpen masses” (to use Mr. Lee’s term) did not. In the 1980s, the PAP sought to increase fertility among university-educated women through financial incentives and dating services, while providing major subsidies for the voluntary sterilization of poor and uneducated parents.

How public policy impacts ethnic groups in Singapore is also keenly examined. Ethnic discrimination is carried out at the highest level of government. One prominent indicator is Singapore’s government-sponsored overseas university scholarships to students. Citing statistics from 1966-2007, the authors note that of the 228 President’s Scholarships awarded only 14 (about 6.1%) went to minority ethnic students. The percentage dropped to 3.5% in the years between 1981 and 2007, even though minority ethnic groups make up more than 20% of Singapore’s population. The number of scholarships given by the Singapore Armed Forces to minorities is even more telling: only 2.2% of the awards given between 1971 and 2007 went to non-Chinese recruits. Messrs. Barr and Skrbis point out that it is not so much a question of whether, but rather of how consciously, these selection panels base their decisions on the wishes of Mr. Lee.

Both Mr. Lee and his son, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, have openly stated that Singapore is not ready for a non-Chinese head of government. But in an irony that only autocratic systems can sustain, Mr. Lee has outlawed public discussions of race relations in Singapore. Using The Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act, the government could interpret any discussion of religious issues as stoking racial sentiment, and could potentially detain without trial persons found doing so, putting any honest discussion of the subject in a deep freeze.

The system is so successful in inculcating the PAP’s values, Messrs. Barr and Skrbis note, that even “cynics and opponents have trouble thinking outside the parameters of imagination set by the ruling elite.” Such intellectual and psychological hegemony has exacted a price, however. The imposition of a narrow political culture has left a society which lacks the passion and conviction necessary to weave the fabric of nationhood: “It has oppressed the imagination without uplifting the spirit, leaving the regime in a position that is outwardly secure, but is relying upon emotional roots that are shallow and brittle,” they write.

Messrs. Barr and Skrbis cite an ACNielsen survey of 1,000 Singaporeans, which found that 21% indicated a “desire to leave the country permanently.” The authors missed out on a couple more statistics: In a survey of 800 younger Singaporeans (ages 15 to 29) carried out by Singapore Polytechnic and reported in January 2007, 37% of the respondents said they are not patriotic and more than 50% said they would migrate overseas if given the chance. Mr. Lee admitted in 2008 that the brain drain presented a “pretty serious” problem. About 1,000 of Singapore’s most talented people are giving up their citizenship each year—and the numbers are growing.

Despite these figures, the authors assert that the system works: “There is enough talent in the dynasty and enough truth in the myths of meritocracy, elite governance and pragmatism to ensure that the city-state is stable and profitable.” This begs the question: For whom does the system work? Can a national system that results in one of every three of its younger citizens feeling no loyalty to the country be considered successful? This dissonance is left unaddressed by the authors.

It is also curious that Messrs. Barr and Skrbis choose to measure the success of a political system in terms of profitability. The authors are evidently impressed by the economic growth that Singapore has experienced over the past few decades. But again that success story needs significant qualification. The income disparity in Singapore has widened in the last decade. Between 1998 and 2003, the average household monthly income of the poorest 20% of the population decreased by nearly 15%, while that of the richest quintile surged by 11.7%.

It would be foolish to argue that Singapore’s overall economic situation has not improved over the years. But to attribute this growth to the PAP system is equally foolhardy. As nobel laureate and economist Paul Krugman aptly noted: “When Asian economies delivered nothing but good news … it is easy to assume that so-called planners knew what they were doing. It is easy for government policy makers to look competent in a prosperous economy. But they may not have a clue!” Mr. Krugman’s statement (made in 1998) is noteworthy because 10 years hence, with the global economy unable to continue producing the kind of capital that has been flowing into Asia and Singapore, the pap leaders are now quite bereft of the star qualities they had been attributing to themselves during the boom years.

Constructing Singapore is worthy of the attention of analysts and policy makers. It is unfortunate, however, that the book already appears dated, as the economic upheaval has created vastly different circumstances. It would be interesting to see how, if at all, these changes will impact the elite-model in Singapore. A revised edition tracking and analyzing such developments would command even greater attention.

Chee Soon Juan is the secretary-general of the Singapore Democratic Party.
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Singapore Democrats

Breaking news: Government reverses ban on Tiananmen performance

Singapore Democrats

The Government had initially banned an art project that was to mark the 20th anniversary of the massacre of students and protesters at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, China. The decision was, however, reversed later in the day.

The organisers were informed of the ban today because the event, to be held at The Substation this Thursday, was deemed "inappropriate". The reason given is because it is located in a government-owned building.

The reversal, the Singapore Democrats understand, was because the Government did not want the bad publicity that the ban would attract as it was part of a worldwide project.

Entitled “Tank Man Tango”, the project is scheduled to be held in places like Sydney, Brisbane, Perth, Taichung (Taiwan), Seoul, Weimar, Leipzig, London, Bristol, Washington DC, and Mexico City.

On 4 Jun 89, the Chinese government sent in tanks to clear Tiananmen Square which had been taken over by thousands of mainly student protesters calling for political and economic reforms. It is estimated that as many as 3,000 demonstrators were killed by the army.

The iconic image that came from the infamous episode was a man who stood in front of a column of tanks, clutching only a plastic bag, to temporarily prevent the armour from entering the Square. Hence, the title “Tank Man Tango” which, according to the organisers, is a “stylised recreation” of the steps of the Tank Man. Watch video here.

It is understood that the PAP Government remains unhappy about the decision to allow the event to go ahead but feels that it would not be worth the international criticism if the ban stayed.

Activists had already vowed to hold the event at Speakers' Corner if the performance at The Substantion was prohibited. Activist Mr Seelan Palay had written to the National Parks Board to stage the event.

Perhaps, the PAP calculated that the ban would have created a bigger stir and attracted more people than it otherwise would. Did it learn its lesson from banning and seizing videos like Singapore Rebel and One Nation Under Lee?

It probably figured that the ban would not stop the event from going ahead at the Speakers' Corner – with a bigger audience – and the PAP would still end up an international laughing stalk. Conclusion: Not worth it.

In any event, Singaporeans should make their way to The Substation on 4 Jun 09 to see for themselves what the fuss is all about:

Tank Man Tango: June 4, 1989 anniversary commemoration at The Substation

As a way of commemorating this anniversary, The Substation is participating in a worldwide public art project to be performed in the cities of Sydney, Brisbane, Perth, Taichung (Taiwan), Seoul, Singapore, Weimar, Leipzig, London, Bristol, Washington DC, and Mexico City.

On June 4, 2009, from 6.30 to 9pm in The Substation theatre, come join us to learn and perform the Tank Man Tango together as an artwork and a vigil; or come for conversation, and share memories and perspectives. The Tank Man Tango is a simple, stylised recreation of the steps of the Tank Man as he defied the tanks. The video can be found on: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MziREAZ_WqA&feature=channel_page

Then on June 5, join us at The Substation Gallery between 12 noon and 9pm: we will be erecting replicas of the Goddess of Democracy statue from a D-I-Y kit, filling the gallery space with them.

Everyone is invited.

Documentation from both days will be uploaded onto the memorial website: www.forget2forget.net

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Singapore Democrats

The Singapore that we aspire to build

Jufrie Mahmood

My youngest son, Khairul Azrie, is in Secondary 3. Like his brother Khairul Anwar he too represents his school in basketball. It is a known fact that most Malay boys their age either play soccer or sepak takraw.

When time permits my wife and I would make it a point to watch them play in the numerous inter school and inter district tournaments, especially if the games are played at the Aljunied Basketball Centre, which is a stone’s throw away from where we live. And we are proud to say that when they are on the court they play their hearts out, making meaningful contributions to their teams.


My sons’ choice of sport has given them an exposure that is somewhat different from what we normally see. The friends that they go around with are almost entirely non-Malay. Come Hari Raya their friends would converge on our house to savour the ketupat and rendang prepared by my wife. The dessert has always been the traditional kueh normally served during Hari Raya. To many of them the food was so finger-licking good that they would tease my wife to let them come for makan more often than just once a year.

What my children are going through reminds me of my childhood days at the government quarters in Haig Road where I grew up. It was a multiracial setting in every sense of the word where everyone was oblivious of their racial background. We were completely colour blind. Whether you are Chinese, Malay, Indian or Eurasian it made no difference at all. We had Ali as well as Ah Lee, the Kanagasabai children and the Pereiras.

Even the hawkers in their tricycles and pushcarts were multiracial. The ‘chi chong fan’ lady and uncle Karupayah, the kacang putih man would take turns making their rounds. Soon after came Ah Heng, with his ice kacang ball, to be followed by Wak Karto plying his mee rebus and tahu goreng. Not to be left out was Mama Maideen with his famous mee.

All of them could speak bahasa Melayu, our so-called Bahasa Kebangsaan. Once a week we were treated to a movie at the open field in Kulim Place where the GSWO (Government Servants Welfare Organisation) club house was also situated. Those were the wonderful days, gone forever.

Though the environment we find ourselves in today is vastly different from the one that I grew up in I am nonetheless happy to see my children coping well with their circle of friends. Last weekend however, when we were just about to finish our dinner Azrie suddenly asked me whether it is true that as a Malay he would not be allowed to join his friends should they opt to serve in the air force. What about the army or navy? He further said, without being asked, that he learned this from his friends in school.

On hearing what his brother said, Khairul Anwar chipped in and said that he too had heard about this. His teacher had told the students in a class discussion that since he is a Malay he would not be called upon to serve his nation in the services mentioned above because "Singapore is surrounded by Malay countries."

"What’s wrong with that, papa? Are they not countries friendly to us?" They are also our major trading partners and members of the ASEAN family, he continued.

I took a deep breath, told him and his two siblings (my eldest child, a girl, studies at Temasek Polytechnic) to finish their dinner, help their mama to clear the table and move to the living room.

I had planned to discuss this issue with my children sometime in the future when they are more mature. I did not want to disrupt their growing up years. But when this very subject of racial discrimination was brought up by my children themselves I had no choice but to bring forward the process of politically educating them.

I related to them some of the more pertinent points of disagreement serious-minded opposition personalities are having with the PAP Government. As for me I have said all my life that I had stood for multiracialism.

The PAP also claims to adhere to the concept of multiracialism. When Singapore was a part of Malaysia its leaders pushed for a "Malaysian Malaysia" so aggressively that the Malays got very irritated. They feared that the concept pushed by the PAP would deny them their special rights, as enshrined in the constitution. Its actions infuriated the Malaysians to such an extent the Tunku, Malaysia’s Prime Minister at that time, was left with no other choice but to expel Singapore from the federation.

Not long after attaining independence the PAP put into practice discriminatory policies which they were so dead against when Singapore was in Malaysia. And make no mistake about it, such policies cannot be justified no matter how the Government tries to rationalize them.

One explanation put forward by the PAP is that they did not want the Malays to face a dilemma should a war break out between Singapore and its neighbours. So, to "save" them from this so-called dilemma it is best that they did not be put in such a situation. To do this they must not be allowed to serve in the armed forces, especially in the air and naval forces.

I related to them an article entitled The Ghosts That Walk With Us written by the late Mr S Rajaratnam in which he concluded that the chances of Singapore going to war with its immediate neighbours were real. Under such circumstances the Malays in Singapore would not want to fight, thus justifying the discriminatory policies.

This perhaps explains the absence of Malays in the air force and the navy and their preponderance in the civil defence and to a lesser extent, the police force. How wrong can the PAP be? This is certainly not the way to build a united nation. Perhaps Singaporeans need to be reminded that during Indonesia’s konfrontasi when then President Sukarno sent his commandoes to infiltrate our country, our soldiers in the 1st and 2nd SIR Battalion, almost entirely Malay, proudly defended their country against the Indonesian intruders. Quite a number of them got killed in the process.

Unlike the colour-blind environment in which I grew up, every turn we make nowadays we are reminded of our racial origin. We can’t, for instance, move into any housing estate of our choice due to the racial quota and you inevitably are reminded of your racial origin.

We cannot enroll in SAP schools unless we take Chinese as a second language; we go to CDAC or SINDA they tell us to go to MENDAKI.

We cannot serve in many fields in the armed forces although many foreigners-turned-Singaporeans can. For that matter, as a contractor, we are not allowed into military compounds even to cut grass or do pest control work.

We are not allowed to wear something as basic as the tudung (head scarf) when our young women reach puberty in secondary school even though religious freedom is guaranteed in the Constitution.

We cannot have more than one full minister as the quota has always been only one and that too is almost always a ministry in charge of clearing garbage. If we choose to stand for elections we have to prove our racial origin and first be issued with a certificate even though our NRIC clearly identifies us by race.

The funniest thing about this requirement is that for repeat candidates you still have to do it at every election as though in the short span of time between GEs our race undergoes a change.

This is the kind of discrimination and humiliation that the ethnic minority groups in Singapore have to live with. On one occasion a member of the approving panel was an Arab and it took an Arab to tell a Malay that he was a Malay and therefore qualified him to stand in the GRC. There are, of course, many other instances that keep reminding Singaporeans of their racial origins.

But I continue to have faith that there are enough Singaporeans of all races who oppose such discriminatory policies. Sooner, if not later, such policies will be dismantled and Singapore will be a truly multiracial society, a society that we aspire to.

I have gone into politics to oppose PAP’s hegemony, and to strive to give Singaporeans an alternative voice. I do not subscribe to the thinking that the PAP has a monopoly of ideas that are good for the nation. I believe in the establishment of a multiracial, democratic Singapore in the true sense of the word. PAP’s discriminatory policies have no place in a truly democratic Singapore.

To the PAP, any group that poses a serious challenge to its rule is labeled either a communist, a communalist or a religious extremist. And it never fails to play the racial card whenever it suits its purpose. That was how they robbed the Workers' Party team in 1991, of which I was a member, in the Eunos GRC of victory by accusing me of mixing religion with politics. The "sin" was my usage of two very common Islamic expressions of "insya Allah" and "Alhamdullah" (God willing). That, in short, is how the PAP operates and with the media under its absolute control it gets away with everything.

Apart from racial discrimination, I told my children there is a long list of other issues and policies which my comrades in the SDP and I oppose and strive to change. I intend to register in their minds the unfair tactics employed by the PAP in order to stay in power. I told them I shall be going through with them the issues in small doses so as not to overload their minds.

We in the opposition staunchly believe that it is in Singapore’s long term interest to have at least an alternative group of dedicated Singaporeans which can challenge the PAP and be ready to take on a leadership role should the PAP falter further, lose control and quickly degenerate into an unworthy outfit. I do not believe in putting all our eggs into the PAP basket. It is suicidal.

This after dinner session marked the beginning of my children’s political education.

Jufrie Mahmood is a veteran oppositionist. He stood as a candidate in the 1988, 1991, and 1997 general elections.

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